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Water Diplomacy in subcontinent: Revisiting the Indus Treaty

Huma Akram

Huma Akram, Sir Syed Kazim Ali's student, is Howtests' writer, inspiring youth.

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19 September 2025

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This editorial examines the enduring significance of the Indus Waters Treaty in the complex relationship between Pakistan and India. As climate change, resource pressure, and political mistrust escalate tensions, the article explores how water diplomacy can either revive cooperation or become a new battleground in South Asian geopolitics.

Water Diplomacy in subcontinent: Revisiting the Indus Treaty

The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), signed in 1960, remains one of the most resilient examples of transboundary water cooperation, even between bitter rivals like Pakistan and India. Yet, recent developments in bilateral relations, coupled with climate change and hydrological shifts, have reignited debates about its efficacy and relevance. This editorial revisit the historical significance of the IWT, examines its role in mitigating water-related conflict, and explores whether water diplomacy still offers a viable path forward in an increasingly adversarial geopolitical landscape. As tensions escalate and mutual distrust grows, a renewed focus on equitable and sustainable water sharing could either ease friction, or become yet another front in an enduring rivalry.

From Partition to Partnership: The Origins and Endurance of the Indus Waters Treaty

To fully grasp the role of water diplomacy in Pakistan–India relations, it is essential to revisit the genesis of the Indus Waters Treaty, signed in 1960 under the auspices of the World Bank. This agreement emerged at a time when both nations, having recently gained independence, were reeling from the trauma of partition and had already experienced armed conflict. The treaty meticulously allocated the three western rivers (Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab) to Pakistan and the three eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej) to India, while also incorporating provisions for limited usage rights and a structured dispute resolution mechanism.

More importantly, the IWT was hailed globally as a rare and commendable diplomatic success in a deeply fractured region. For decades, it served as a rules-based framework enabling uninterrupted technical discussions, even when broader diplomatic relations were frozen. However, as India’s infrastructure ambitions in Jammu and Kashmir have expanded and Pakistan’s internal water stress has worsened, the trust that once underpinned the treaty has frayed. Consequently, water is no longer just a shared resource, it is increasingly viewed as both a diplomatic lifeline and a potential flashpoint for future confrontation.

The Treaty as a Model of Conflict-Resilient Diplomacy

To begin with, the IWT exemplifies how pragmatic diplomacy can persist even in the face of hostility. It is one of the few international agreements that has survived three major wars and numerous border skirmishes between its signatories. Remarkably, even during the volatile periods of 1965 and 1971, the treaty remained intact, illustrating the unique resilience of water diplomacy. This ability to transcend political tensions through structured technical dialogue highlights the enduring value of such frameworks in conflict-prone regions. Moreover, in a region with limited institutional mechanisms for conflict resolution, the IWT stands as a vital model. International observers have even suggested its replication in other transboundary basins like the Nile and Mekong. Therefore, weakening or abandoning this treaty could dismantle one of the last remaining avenues for bilateral engagement between Islamabad and New Delhi, an outcome both nations can ill afford in an era of escalating regional tensions.

Rising Tensions over Hydropower Projects

Also, disagreements over India's hydropower projects on the western rivers, including Kishanganga and Ratle, have tested the treaty’s limits. Pakistan alleges that India’s projects violate IWT clauses regarding storage and downstream flows, jeopardizing agriculture in Punjab and Sindh. In 2013, the Permanent Court of Arbitration ruled that India could build the Kishanganga Dam but must maintain a minimum flow of 9 m³/s to Pakistan, acknowledging both parties’ concerns. However, tensions peaked in January 2023 when India issued a formal notice seeking treaty modification due to Pakistan’s delays in arbitration. This marked the first time Article XII was invoked, shifting the treaty from a framework of cooperation to a new arena of strategic rivalry.

  • Water Scarcity and Pakistan’s Internal Vulnerabilities

In parallel, Pakistan’s own internal water management challenges exacerbate its sense of vulnerability. With one of the highest rates of water withdrawal globally and per capita availability plummeting below crisis levels, the country is confronting a mounting water emergency. These pressures are intensified by systemic inefficiencies, including outdated canal systems, unsustainable groundwater extraction, and weak inter-provincial coordination, all of which compromise effective water governance.

Given this context, any upstream development by India, however minor, tends to be interpreted as a strategic threat, rather than a technical matter. This perception amplifies bilateral tensions and renders diplomatic resolution more elusive. Therefore, strengthening Pakistan’s internal water management structures is not only a domestic imperative but also a prerequisite for credible and confident diplomatic engagement on the international stage.

  • Climate Change as a Shared Threat

Equally important is the reality that both nations face shared environmental threats that transcend national boundaries. The broader Indus Basin, fed by Himalayan glaciers, is among the most climate-vulnerable regions in the world. Accelerating glacier melt, erratic monsoons, and increasingly frequent floods and droughts are placing unprecedented strain on the region’s hydrological balance. These phenomena do not recognize political borders. The International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) estimates that Himalayan glaciers could lose up to 36% of their volume by 2100, severely affecting Indus River flows. This common vulnerability could serve as a basis for renewed cooperation, if the two nations are willing to pivot from confrontation to collaboration. Joint initiatives in climate science, such as glacial monitoring, early warning systems, and sustainable agricultural practices, could transform the IWT from a static agreement into a dynamic platform for climate resilience. In this sense, the threat of climate change may paradoxically offer a window for diplomatic innovation, if seized constructively.

  • Need for Modernization and Transparency

Furthermore, the IWT, for all its historic merit, was created in an analog world. It lacks tools for real-time data sharing, digital monitoring, and third-party arbitration, making it vulnerable to misinterpretation. The 2015 dispute over the Ratle project saw delays of over five years before arbitration began, underscoring the treaty’s procedural sluggishness. Modernization does not mean replacement. Expanding the role of the Permanent Indus Commission (PIC), integrating AI-driven hydrological models, and ensuring real-time satellite-based monitoring could rebuild trust. A 2020 report by the Stockholm International Water Institute (SIWI) advocated digital water diplomacy tools for better cross-border coordination, especially under climate stress. These reforms would strengthen, not weaken, the IWT. They would convert it from a Cold War-era relic into a dynamic agreement equipped for the 21st century. Consequently, modernization is not a threat to the treaty but a vital step toward its continued relevance.

Despite its symbolic and strategic value, the IWT is increasingly contested. Indian officials argue that the treaty unduly constrains development in Jammu and Kashmir, while Pakistani voices warn against India's de facto control over upstream flows. These concerns have led to repeated deadlocks in technical negotiations and growing reliance on politicized rhetoric. Furthermore, the ad hoc nature of third-party interventions has proven insufficient, often resulting in procedural delays rather than substantive solutions. In this light, continued reliance on an outdated legal framework, without acknowledging climate realities, technological change, and domestic limitations, risks rendering the treaty obsolete. Thus, preserving the IWT’s spirit of cooperation requires more than passive maintenance; it demands strategic recalibration and a willingness to adapt to new geopolitical and environmental dynamics.

In conclusion, the Indus Waters Treaty remains a rare monument to rational diplomacy in an otherwise volatile region. It has served both Pakistan and India well, providing a buffer against conflict and a channel for dialogue. Yet, the conditions under which it was conceived no longer exist. Today, climate change, demographic pressures, and strategic competition are reshaping the very waterscapes the treaty was designed to govern. Therefore, the future lies not in the abandonment of the IWT, nor in clinging rigidly to its outdated provisions. Instead, both nations must reimagine water diplomacy as a vehicle for peace, innovation, and environmental stewardship. By updating institutional mechanisms, embracing transparency, and investing in cooperative climate adaptation, Pakistan and India can transform water from a source of tension into a tool for long-term stability. Ultimately, the Indus should not divide, but unite.

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19 September 2025

Written By

Huma Akram

B.Ed

Student | Author

Edited & Proofread by

Sir Syed Kazim Ali

English Teacher

Reviewed by

Sir Syed Kazim Ali

English Teacher

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