Pakistan, a nation built on the ideals of unity, faith, and discipline, has struggled with a persistent challenge that threatens its very fabric: ethnic division. While diversity should be a source of strength, ethnic rivalries have repeatedly strained the country’s national integration. Furthermore, each of Pakistan's provinces, Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, carries a unique identity, history, and aspirations. However, instead of celebrating these differences, they have often been manipulated, leading to grievances, political unrest, and, at times, outright separatist movements. If Pakistan is to progress as a stable and united nation, it must urgently address its deep-seated ethnic fault lines with a policy framework that promotes inclusivity, justice, and equitable resource allocation.
Moreover, Pakistan's ethnic landscape is complex. The dominant ethnic groups include Punjabis, Pashtuns, Sindhis, and Baloch, along with smaller communities such as the Hazaras, Brahuis, and Baltis. This diversity should have been a cornerstone of Pakistan’s cultural strength, yet successive governments have failed to manage ethnic relations effectively. Instead, power dynamics, economic disparities, and political centralization have bred resentment among the smaller provinces.
In addition, Punjab’s dominance in the federal structure has been a longstanding issue. With its disproportionate representation in the military, bureaucracy, and economy, it is often viewed by smaller provinces as an oppressive force rather than a partner in the federation. This perception is not without basis. A significant share of national development projects, industrial investments, and infrastructural funding has historically been concentrated in Punjab, leading to feelings of economic deprivation elsewhere. The 18th Amendment to the Constitution, which aimed to decentralize power, was a step in the right direction; however, its implementation has remained inconsistent.
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Consequently, ethnic grievances are not mere political rhetoric; they have translated into tangible security threats. Balochistan, rich in natural resources but one of the least developed regions, has seen multiple waves of insurgency. The Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) and other militant groups have capitalized on the province’s longstanding economic and political alienation, carrying out attacks on security forces, Chinese investments, and state institutions. Islamabad has responded with heavy-handed crackdowns, further deepening the cycle of resentment.
Similarly, in Sindh, the urban-rural divide has exacerbated tensions. The rise of Sindhi nationalist movements advocating for greater autonomy reflects growing dissatisfaction with federal policies. Karachi, Pakistan’s economic hub, has historically been a melting pot of ethnicities, but it has also witnessed violent turf wars between political and ethnic factions, notably between Muhajirs and Sindhis.
Furthermore, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), home to the Pashtun belt, has faced its own set of challenges, particularly regarding the Durand Line, which divides Pakistan and Afghanistan. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), a grassroots movement advocating for Pashtun rights, has gained traction in recent years, criticizing state policies in the tribal areas and military operations that have disproportionately affected Pashtun communities. While the state views PTM with suspicion, dismissing it as an externally influenced movement, its rise reflects genuine grievances among Pashtuns who feel sidelined in national decision-making.
Moreover, academics and scholars have long warned that Pakistan’s ethnic tensions, if left unaddressed, could destabilize the country. Farzana Sheikh, in her book Making Sense of Pakistan, argues that Punjab’s overrepresentation in state institutions fuels resentment among smaller provinces, making national integration difficult. Similarly, Shah Mahmood Qureshi, in The Baloch Nationalist Movement and the State of Pakistan, provides an in-depth analysis of how the state’s policies have pushed Baloch nationalists toward militancy.
Additionally, G.M. Syed, a key Sindhi nationalist, wrote extensively about the struggles of Sindhis, arguing that their cultural and economic marginalization amounts to a form of internal colonization. Meanwhile, Riaz Mohammad, in Afghanistan-Pakistan Relations, highlights how Pashtun nationalism remains an unresolved issue, exacerbated by Islamabad’s historical reluctance to address the Durand Line dispute with Afghanistan. These scholarly works underscore the urgent need for a recalibrated national strategy that prioritizes inclusion over coercion.
To counter ethnic rivalries and strengthen national cohesion, Pakistan must adopt a comprehensive national integration framework. Therefore, the following policy measures should be at the heart of this strategy:
Firstly, the implementation of the 18th Amendment should be prioritized to ensure that provinces have greater control over their resources. The National Finance Commission (NFC) Award, which determines the distribution of resources among provinces, must be revised periodically to reflect changes in demographics and economic contributions.
Secondly, the Council of Common Interests (CCI), responsible for resolving inter-provincial disputes, must be empowered with real decision-making authority. Large-scale development projects, such as the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), must ensure that local communities directly benefit from investments rather than feeling exploited by external actors.
Thirdly, one of the biggest obstacles to national integration is the entrenched culture of feudal and patronage-based politics. Political elites, rather than addressing genuine grievances, often manipulate ethnic tensions for electoral gains. The Election Commission of Pakistan must take strict action against divisive political campaigns, while institutions such as the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) must operate independently of political interference to curb corruption at all levels.
Moreover, the rule of law must be applied uniformly across all provinces. Cases of enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and political suppression must be addressed transparently. A robust judicial mechanism should be in place to address grievances through legal channels rather than allowing frustration to morph into violent separatism.
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Furthermore, Pakistan’s education system should promote inclusivity by incorporating the histories and contributions of all ethnic groups into national curricula. The state must invest in cultural festivals, linguistic diversity, and media representation to foster a sense of shared identity rather than provincial isolationism.
In conclusion, Pakistan stands at a crossroads. It can either continue down the path of ethnic polarization, allowing grievances to fester and potentially escalate into further security crises, or it can embrace inclusivity and justice to forge a stronger, more united nation. The answer is clear: national integration requires more than mere slogans; it demands policy action, constitutional safeguards, and a shift in political culture.
For too long, ethnic divisions have been exploited rather than resolved. If Pakistan is to fulfil its potential as a thriving, stable state, it must abandon coercive state policies and replace them with a governance model that is participatory, equitable, and just. Only then can it transform its ethnic diversity from a liability into a powerful national asset.
