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Revoking the Indus Waters Treaty: Is It a Violation of International Law?

Muhammad Faraan Khan

Muhammad Faraan Khan, CSS aspirant and writer, is Sir Syed Kazim Ali's student.

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14 December 2025

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The unilateral revocation of the Indus Waters Treaty would constitute a violation of international law, primarily by contravening the fundamental legal principle of pacta sunt servanda and the stipulations of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. The treaty's perpetual nature and established dispute resolution mechanisms make a unilateral exit legally untenable. Such a move would set a dangerous precedent, inviting international condemnation, diplomatic isolation, and potentially escalating regional tensions over a vital shared resource.

Revoking the Indus Waters Treaty: Is It a Violation of International Law?

The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) of 1960, a landmark agreement brokered by the World Bank, has long stood as a testament to diplomacy in a volatile region. However, recurring geopolitical tensions between India and Pakistan have brought its durability into question, leading to calls for its unilateral revocation. The core legal question, therefore, is whether such an act would constitute a violation of international law. A comprehensive analysis reveals that the treaty is a binding, perpetual agreement with established dispute resolution mechanisms. Unilateral revocation would not only contravene fundamental principles of international treaty law, such as pacta sunt servanda, but also carry significant diplomatic, economic, and strategic repercussions for the state initiating the move. The arguments for revocation are largely political and strategic, while the arguments against it are rooted in established international legal norms, making unilateral withdrawal a legally contentious and internationally perilous course of action.

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The Framework and Legal Foundations of the IWT

The Indus Waters Treaty, signed in 1960 by Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and Pakistani President Ayub Khan, partitioned the rivers of the Indus basin system. It allocated the eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej) to India for exclusive use, while the western rivers (Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab) were allocated to Pakistan, a downstream riparian state. The treaty, however, also granted India limited, non-consumptive usage rights on the western rivers for purposes like power generation and irrigation, subject to strict design specifications. A key feature of the IWT is its lack of a termination clause. This omission, coupled with the detailed dispute resolution framework it established, suggests the treaty was intended to be a perpetual agreement. The Permanent Indus Commission, comprising a commissioner from each country, was created to address and resolve technical and procedural issues. For more complex disputes, the treaty provides for a Neutral Expert to resolve technical disagreements and, failing that, a Court of Arbitration for legal disputes. The World Bank, a third-party signatory, plays a procedural role in these dispute resolution processes, particularly in the appointment of a Neutral Expert or a Court of Arbitration Chairman.

The Principle of Pacta Sunt Servanda

The central pillar of international law governing treaties is the principle of pacta sunt servanda, which means that agreements must be kept. This fundamental doctrine, codified in Article 26 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT), dictates that every treaty in force is binding upon the parties to it and must be performed by them in good faith. A unilateral withdrawal from the Indus Waters Treaty would directly violate this principle. The IWT does not contain a provision for unilateral withdrawal, and the VCLT states that a treaty can be terminated only in accordance with its provisions or by the consent of all parties. Since the IWT is a perpetual treaty without a termination clause, a state seeking to exit it would need the consent of the other signatory. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has consistently upheld the sanctity of treaty obligations, as seen in cases like the Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros Project, where it ruled that geopolitical changes do not automatically justify treaty termination. The ICJ's stance reinforces the legal consensus that a state cannot unilaterally walk away from its commitments, particularly those enshrined in a treaty that has endured for over six decades and is considered a model of transboundary water management.

The Principle of rebus sic stantibus

While the IWT lacks a termination clause, some arguments for revocation hinge on the doctrine of a fundamental change of circumstances, also known as rebus sic stantibus. This doctrine, codified in Article 62 of the VCLT, allows for a treaty to be terminated if a fundamental and unforeseen change in circumstances has occurred, and the existence of those circumstances formed an essential basis of the parties' consent to be bound by the treaty. Proponents of revocation, particularly in India, have cited cross-border terrorism, national security threats, and evolving water scarcity due to climate change as grounds for invoking this clause. However, international legal experts largely dismiss these arguments as insufficient. The threshold for invoking Article 62 is extremely high, and the ICJ has applied it with great caution to preserve treaty stability. Terrorism, while a grave issue, is a political and security concern that does not fundamentally alter the river system or the basis of the treaty itself. Similarly, population growth and climate change were arguably foreseeable factors over a 60-year horizon. Moreover, the doctrine requires that the change must have radically transformed the extent of the obligations to be performed, a condition that a change in political relations or security dynamics does not meet.

The International and Strategic Consequences of Revocation

A unilateral revocation of the IWT would have far-reaching international and strategic consequences. First and foremost, it would undermine the principles of international water law and set a dangerous precedent for other transboundary water disputes worldwide. The IWT is one of the world's most successful water-sharing treaties, and its collapse would erode trust in similar agreements. The move would likely be seen as an act of aggression by the downstream state, with Pakistan almost certain to appeal to international forums like the United Nations and the ICJ. This would place the revoking state under intense international scrutiny and diplomatic pressure. Furthermore, a unilateral abrogation would likely be met with strong diplomatic backlash from key international partners and the World Bank, which would view the move as a breach of a treaty it brokered and helped fund. The resulting diplomatic isolation would damage the country's global standing and reputation as a responsible international actor. Economically, the loss of a structured water-sharing framework could trigger significant disruptions to agriculture and food security in both countries, especially for the downstream state, potentially leading to regional instability.

The Path Forward: Diplomacy and Modernisation

Instead of unilateral abrogation, which is fraught with legal and political risks, a more prudent path forward would be to use the treaty's own mechanisms to address contemporary challenges. The IWT, for all its durability, is a product of its time. It did not fully account for issues like climate change, environmental flows, or the full potential for water-efficient technologies. A state could formally seek to amend or update the treaty through mutual dialogue, a process that would require a high level of diplomatic trust and cooperation. The treaty's dispute resolution mechanisms, though cumbersome, provide a structured way to handle disagreements over new dam projects or other technical issues. Engaging with these mechanisms, rather than bypassing them, demonstrates a commitment to international law. While political rhetoric may call for a hardline approach, a long-term strategic perspective necessitates a solution that respects international legal norms, maintains stability in the region, and addresses the evolving needs of both populations.

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The legal arguments against revoking the Indus Waters Treaty are robust and well-grounded in international law. From the perspective of the VCLT and customary international law, unilateral termination of a perpetual treaty that lacks a specific termination clause is not legally permissible. While political and strategic justifications may seem compelling domestically, they do not meet the stringent legal criteria for revoking a treaty, such as a fundamental change of circumstances. The international community, which has long viewed the IWT as a model of cooperation, would almost certainly side with the principle of pacta sunt servanda. Therefore, while a state may have the political will to withdraw, doing so would be a clear violation of international law. The diplomatic and strategic costs of such an action would likely outweigh any perceived benefits, making a negotiated settlement or continued use of the treaty's mechanisms the only legally sound and sustainable option.

In conclusion, the Indus Waters Treaty remains a cornerstone of transboundary water cooperation and international legal order. Despite political pressures and shifting strategic dynamics, unilateral revocation would violate binding treaty obligations under international law and undermine decades of diplomatic engagement. The legal foundations of the IWT, rooted in the principle of pacta sunt servanda and reinforced by global jurisprudence, make its abrogation not only legally untenable but also diplomatically costly. Rather than dismantling a proven framework, the rational path forward lies in modernizing the treaty through mutual dialogue, addressing emerging challenges while preserving regional stability and upholding the sanctity of international agreements.

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14 December 2025

Written By

Muhammad Faraan Khan

Bachelor of Science in Radiology Technology

Student | Author

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Sir Syed Kazim Ali

English Teacher

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