Muslim religious scholars, known as ulama, have historically played a dual role in shaping religious thought and engaging with political developments across the Muslim world. In colonial India, particularly during the British Raj, the ulama faced a challenging and transformative period. They were confronted with a colonial power that threatened not only their political autonomy but also their religious traditions, legal systems, and cultural practices. Against this backdrop, they were compelled to respond to foreign rule in ways that preserved their authority while also guiding the community through the turbulence of colonial modernity.

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The decline of Muslim political power after the fall of the Mughal Empire created a vacuum in leadership that the ulama stepped in to fill. Institutions like the Darul Uloom Deoband (founded in 1866) emerged as intellectual and spiritual hubs where religious training was revitalized. However, these were not just centers of theological instruction. They became arenas where political and ideological questions about colonialism, resistance, and revival were hotly debated. Ulama such as Maulana Qasim Nanotvi and Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi emphasized religious purity, scriptural fidelity, and spiritual reform, but they were also deeply conscious of the broader sociopolitical implications of their teachings.
Moreover, reform movements such as the Deobandi, Barelvi, and later Jamaat-e-Islami under Maulana Maududi showcased the diversity of ulama responses. Some aligned themselves with non-cooperation and anti-British resistance, while others believed in gradual reform through education and social uplift. The Deobandi ulama, for instance, distanced themselves from direct armed resistance after the failure of the 1857 rebellion, instead promoting Islamic learning to preserve Muslim identity in a Hindu-majority India. Their emphasis on preserving religious law (sharia), ritual practices, and Arabic studies was a subtle yet significant form of cultural resistance.
However, not all ulama embraced quietism or passive resistance. Figures like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad interpreted the Quran as a call to action and joined the Indian National Congress, seeing the nationalist movement as aligned with Islamic ethical and political goals. He viewed freedom as a religious obligation and worked for Hindu-Muslim unity. On the other hand, the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind, also largely Deobandi in outlook, maintained a strong anti-colonial stance and rejected the idea of partition, claiming that Muslims could thrive as a religious community in a united India.
A contrasting view came from scholars aligned with the Aligarh movement and later the All India Muslim League. While not traditional ulama in the classical sense, reformers like Sir Syed Ahmed Khan argued for educational and political cooperation with the British to uplift Muslims. These contrasting approaches underscored a deep tension within Muslim thought: should the ulama retain an isolated, religiously defined authority, or adapt to modern political ideologies and nationalist movements?
The Barelvi school, rooted more in devotional and popular Islam, initially remained focused on spiritual and communal life. Yet by the 20th century, even Barelvi scholars, such as Ahmed Raza Khan Barelvi, began issuing fatwas addressing political questions. Although critical of both Deobandi and modernist thought, their scholars also engaged with political realities by supporting causes that protected Sunni traditions and practices under colonial pressure.
As nationalist fervor grew stronger in the early 20th century, the ulama found themselves divided between supporting secular-nationalist parties like the Congress and Islamic political groups like the Muslim League or Jamaat-e-Islami. This division highlighted the challenges of balancing religious authority with political activism. Many ulama feared that direct political engagement would dilute their religious legitimacy, yet abstaining entirely risked irrelevance in the eyes of their communities.
Maulana Maududi’s founding of Jamaat-e-Islami in 1941 signaled a new phase in ulama political involvement. He rejected both secular nationalism and Western democracy, advocating instead for an Islamic state governed by divine law. His writings and speeches, though controversial, revitalized political Islam in the subcontinent and beyond. He argued that the ulama had a moral duty to shape the political order, not merely guide individual piety. Thus, he redefined political activism as a religious obligation.
In contrast, Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani of the Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind famously argued for composite nationalism, affirming that Muslims and Hindus could form a united nation despite religious differences. This stance caused tension within the Muslim community but underscored the ulama's evolving role as negotiators of complex political realities.
The question of religious legitimacy remained paramount. Ulama had to prove that their political stances were grounded in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) and historical precedent. They drew upon classical Islamic texts, rulings from medieval scholars, and Quranic verses to justify their positions. In doing so, they maintained their religious authority while engaging with the temporal world.
Colonial surveillance and repression also shaped how the ulama operated. Many were arrested or monitored by the British for suspected anti-colonial activities. Seminaries were scrutinized, and sermons were censored. Yet this only increased their moral authority among Muslims, who viewed them as defenders of faith and freedom.
Education became a key tool for political and religious consciousness. Ulama-led institutions educated thousands of students who later became activists, teachers, and leaders. These seminaries functioned as incubators of both religious knowledge and political dissent. The curriculum often included not only hadith and fiqh but also history, politics, and ethics, training a generation of Muslim leaders to navigate the complexities of colonial rule.
Print culture, especially in Urdu, played a critical role in this dual mission. Journals, newspapers, and religious tracts written by the ulama reached a wide audience, shaping public opinion and religious thought. Publications like Al-Hilal, Al-Balagh, and others helped spread political ideas infused with Islamic perspectives. These platforms allowed ulama to address contemporary issues, Westernization, women’s rights, secular education, through the lens of Islamic teachings.
Balancing tradition with modernity was perhaps the ulama’s greatest challenge. They had to preserve centuries-old religious teachings while responding to colonialism, modern science, political ideologies, and the demands of a changing Muslim populace. Some succeeded in reformulating Islamic thought in ways that retained religious essence while addressing modern concerns. Others struggled, caught between isolation and compromise.

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After the creation of Pakistan, ulama played a foundational role in shaping the Islamic identity of the new state. Debates over the Objectives Resolution, Islamic provisions in the constitution, and the role of sharia courts were heavily influenced by religious scholars. Although they did not form the ruling elite, their influence on law, education, and social values was significant. In India, ulama reoriented their roles toward minority politics, community leadership, and interfaith engagement. Their focus shifted to protecting Muslim personal law, promoting education, and preserving Islamic identity within a secular democratic framework.
In conclusion, Muslim religious scholars during the nationalist movements navigated a complex terrain. They preserved their authority by rooting political activism in religious legitimacy and used their spiritual influence to mobilize communities. Despite internal divisions and differing ideologies, they emerged as vital actors in the struggle for rights, identity, and nationhood.