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Islamisation and the long shadow on Pakistan’s polity

Miss Iqra Ali

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6 August 2025

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This editorial examines the long-term political, constitutional, and societal effects of Islamisation in Pakistan, particularly during and after General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime. It explores how the politicisation of religion distorted democratic development, deepened sectarian divides, and undermined legal neutrality. The Islamisation project not only altered the constitutional structure of the country but also entrenched clerical influence over the state, weakening civil society and institutional balance. Through an analysis of state policies, constitutional amendments, and their consequences, this editorial reflects on how a fusion of religion with politics continues to haunt Pakistan's progress as a modern state.

Islamisation and the long shadow on Pakistan’s polity

The ideological ambiguity that continues to haunt the Pakistani state did not arise overnight. Rather, it stems from decades of institutional confusion, political expediency, and elite manipulation of religion. This ambiguity has created a disjointed national narrative in which competing visions of identity clash—Islamic theocracy, Western-style liberal democracy, and ethnic pluralism—without ever coalescing into a coherent framework of governance. Each successive regime, from civilian governments to military rulers, has attempted to define the country’s ideological basis according to short-term interests, often using religion as a political tool, not a unifying philosophy.

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In the beginning, the vision of Pakistan’s founder appeared somewhat straightforward. Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s speeches, particularly the one delivered on 11 August 1947, projected a secular outlook in which religion was to be a personal matter and the state would ensure equality for all citizens regardless of faith. Yet, even within Jinnah’s own political career, inconsistencies appeared. He had invoked Islamic symbols and idioms during the struggle for Pakistan, which created expectations among many Muslims that the new country would embody Islamic values. This duality in Jinnah’s rhetoric laid the groundwork for future confusion.

The passage of the Objective Resolution in 1949 marked the first major institutional shift towards an Islamic ideological state. It declared that sovereignty belonged to Allah alone, and that principles of democracy and justice as enunciated by Islam would guide the future constitution. Although it paid lip service to minority rights, it also initiated a process through which the state began entangling itself with religious legitimacy. The constitution-making process was repeatedly delayed, largely because of disagreements about whether Pakistan should be a secular or Islamic state, and what role Islamic jurisprudence would play.

By 1956, Pakistan became the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, but that label remained more symbolic than practical. The constitution did not establish a theocracy, but it also failed to resolve the underlying ideological tension. Military regimes, particularly under General Ayub Khan, tried to tilt the balance toward modernism and economic development, sidelining religious voices in the political arena. Ayub introduced reforms and centralized power in an attempt to create a strong administrative state, but his alienation of religious groups planted further seeds of division. His successor, General Yahya Khan, oversaw a period of national disintegration, culminating in the secession of East Pakistan. Ethnonationalism triumphed over religious identity in that crisis, revealing the limitations of religion as a binding force across linguistic, cultural, and economic disparities.

However, it was General Zia-ul-Haq’s regime that most aggressively imposed a singular Islamic identity on Pakistan. Under the guise of Islamization, Zia introduced legal, educational, and economic policies that reshaped the institutional character of the state. Zia institutionalized the Federal Shariat Court and imposed Hudood Ordinances, significantly altering Pakistan’s legal system with long-term consequences for women and minorities. The use of religion to legitimize authoritarian rule created a dangerous precedent. It not only empowered religious parties and sectarian actors but also led to the social marginalization of non-Muslims and the internal fragmentation of the Muslim community along sectarian lines.

The post-Zia period did not bring clarity. Civilian governments alternated between vague commitments to democracy and half-hearted attempts to balance religious conservatism with modern governance. Political parties, including the PPP and PML-N, often relied on religious rhetoric during elections while maintaining ties with religious groups. This opportunistic use of religion remained a constant. Meanwhile, the education system further contributed to ideological confusion. Textbooks glorified military adventures and Islamic history, often distorting facts to promote a narrow vision of national identity. The result has been generations of citizens unsure of whether their loyalty lies with an Islamic Ummah or a pluralist democratic state.

The 2006 Musharraf-era policy of Enlightened Moderation, though aimed at reconciling Islam with modernity, was undermined by state contradictions and the continued presence of extremist networks. The policy was less about reforming society and more about securing international support, particularly from the West. As a result, it lacked credibility at home. While Musharraf sought to project a liberal image abroad, his government tolerated radical groups and continued to manipulate religious sentiments when convenient. This dualism has persisted, and no government since has presented a consistent ideological path.

Beyond the political class, the military has played a decisive role in shaping ideological narratives. The military establishment has often defined national interest through a lens of Islamic nationalism, particularly in relation to India and Kashmir. This has led to the instrumentalization of jihadist groups during the 1980s and 1990s, with blowback in the form of domestic militancy. Pakistan's entanglement in the Afghan jihad, and later the war on terror, blurred the lines between state strategy and ideological conviction. Internally, it gave rise to a violent extremism that now threatens the very foundations of the state.

The implications of this ideological ambiguity are manifold. Legally, the Constitution of 1973 contains provisions that establish Islam as the state religion, require the President and Prime Minister to be Muslims, and empower Islamic institutions like the Council of Islamic Ideology. Yet it also affirms fundamental rights and democratic processes. These contradictions have created room for selective interpretation, often allowing governments and courts to lean on religious clauses to suppress dissent or enforce conformity. Culturally, this has led to a narrowing of acceptable public discourse, silencing progressive voices and intellectual pluralism.

Socially, the ambiguity has translated into sectarian tensions, discrimination against minorities, and growing intolerance in the public sphere. The rise of vigilante violence in the name of blasphemy laws underscores how ideological confusion has bled into societal norms. Politically, it has allowed extremist groups to claim moral superiority while the state vacillates between appeasement and repression. The education system remains a key battleground. Attempts at curriculum reform often face backlash from religious lobbies. Meanwhile, private madrassas proliferate with minimal oversight, producing parallel streams of ideological influence. A fractured national identity leaves citizens unsure of their collective purpose.

The ideological contestation has also damaged Pakistan’s global standing. The inconsistency between democratic aspirations and authoritarian impositions, between commitments to modernity and flirtations with extremism, has raised questions about the state’s reliability. Foreign policy oscillates between religious solidarity and pragmatic alliances, leading to strategic confusion. Within South Asia, Pakistan’s self-definition in opposition to India has reinforced a security-centric worldview that privileges militarism over development.

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A way forward requires political courage and intellectual honesty. Pakistan must embrace an inclusive national identity that acknowledges its religious heritage while firmly grounding governance in constitutional democracy and human rights. The Constitution should be clarified to eliminate contradictions and strengthen safeguards for pluralism. Education must be reoriented to foster critical thinking and historical accuracy, rather than ideological indoctrination. Political parties must resist the temptation to exploit religion for electoral gain. The judiciary must uphold democratic norms without yielding to ideological pressure. Civil society, despite increasing repression, remains a key site of resistance against majoritarianism and ideological coercion.

Ultimately, ideological clarity is not about choosing between Islam and democracy, but about rejecting the manipulative use of religion in service of authoritarianism and exclusion. Only through consistent, inclusive, and rights-based governance can Pakistan resolve its identity crisis and realize the promise of a stable and just society.

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6 August 2025

Written By

Miss Iqra Ali

MPhil Political Science

Author | Coach

Reviewed by

Miss Iqra Ali

GSA & Pakistan Affairs Coach

Following are sources to article, “Islamisation and the long shadow on Pakistan’s polity”

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